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Part One

Australian journalism’s freak show: how a serious newspaper deals with its enemies

Journalism is in crisis, we’re told constantly.

But there’s another journalism crisis that has been disrupting and polluting the Australian media for more than a decade, a crisis that has nothing to do with broken business models, Facebook or the rise of so-called fake news.

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Part Two

The targets-in-chief: elites, academics, social reformers, media enemies, leftists and pussy feminists

Academic and journalist Margaret Simons

How does The Australian select targets for its holy wars? It’s not exactly complicated, says journalist and former Media Watch host Jonathan Holmes — the paper attacks “anyone whom it perceives to be a critic”. It’s about “whether you are on the Left or the Right and whether you fit with its commercial objectives or stand in their way,” says journalism professor Mark Pearson. “Like a true narcissist, it lets its own interests, agendas and catfights affect the quality of the journalism in its pages.”

These are The Australian‘s public enemies #1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6:

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Part Three

Rules of engagement: the tactics that inflict maximum damage and embarrassment

How does The Australian inflict damage on its enemies? There are four main weapons, say media academics Matthew Ricketson and Andrew Dodd: “First, it unleashes a torrent of articles contesting even of the tiniest points, so as to wipe the critic’s original point from everyone’s mind; second, it attacks the critic personally and pitilessly; third — somewhat paradoxically — it ignores the critic; and fourth, when all else fails, it simply continues asserting something as true as if no one has ever shown it was false.”

The paper’s Holy Wars are quasi-military campaigns: strategic, tactical and psychological. They are unrelenting and take no prisoners. Here’s how it works:

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Part Four

The war against sandal-wearing greenie climate alarmist Tim Flannery

On Australia Day 2007, scientist Tim Flannery was named Australian of the Year at a ceremony on the lawns of Parliament House. “He has encouraged Australians into new ways of thinking about our environmental history and future ecological challenges,” declared then-prime minister John Howard as he presented Flannery with the award.

For The Australian, this was too much to take. In its news story, the Oz reported Howard as having “embraced his inner greenie”, and in its editorial said the decision would be “a controversial choice for some”.

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Part Five

The man behind the Holy Wars: it's about 'values', not ideology

The architect of The Australian Holy Wars is a bluntly spoken, highly intelligent, intuitive newspaperman who adores Rupert Murdoch, despises the soft-left pretentiousness of rivals Fairfax and the ABC, and loves ink on paper.

In 2002, when he became The Australian‘s editor-in-chief, Chris Mitchell harnessed all those passions to create what he describes as a “campaigning” newspaper — and, in the process, changed the ethical framework of Australian journalism forever.

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Chapter Six

How to undermine a partisan public servant drunk on power

On a Sunday morning, soon after The Australian first launched what would become a five-year personal vendetta of almost 30,000 words against her, Gillian Triggs got a call from her son living in Paris. Why, he wanted to know, was she trending on Twitter ahead of pop megastar Taylor Swift?

Triggs was appointed as president of the Australian Human Rights Commission in 2012, and was previously dean of the Faculty of Law and challis professor of international law at the University of Sydney. The long-running campaign against Triggs flared up regularly during her tenure — especially during Senate estimates, but also in relation to The Australian‘s prolific writings on section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act.

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Chapter Seven

Yes, the Oz is capable of important investigative journalism (when it's not trashing its enemies)

It was The Australian‘s classic investigative journalism that revealed war criminal and former Australian army reservist Dragan Vasiljkovic had changed his name and was working and living in Perth in 2005. He has just been sentenced to 15 years in jail in Croatia for his war crimes. And the Oz‘s recent pursuit of GetUp board member Carla McGrath, after her appointment to the Australian Press Council created an obvious conflict of interest, was supported by respected figures in journalism from all quarters.

That’s right. The Australian’s campaigns are not always irrational beat-ups or vicious personal attacks against ideological enemies. Often they’re genuine news stories that do the important work of civic journalism.

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Chapter Eight

The war against the leading inner-city, anti-Murdoch media critic wanker (AKA Paul Barry)

“Writing about Rupert Murdoch and his family is perhaps not a great career move, given that they have such power and patronage in the media in Australia, the UK, the US and rest of the world.” When Paul Barry wrote those words, in his 2013 book Breaking News: Sex, Lies and the Murdoch Succession, he was prophetically charting his own fate at the hands of the the Murdoch family and their editorial retainers. Since then, Barry has become one of the highest-ranking public enemies on News Corp’s wanted list.

In many ways Barry is the prototypical target for The Australian:

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Chapter Nine

Is the Oz the Wile E. Coyote of Australian journalism?

It’s a frustrating beast, The Australian. It’s got some great must-read journalism. And then there are its official dispatches from the front line of the culture wars.

Giving a name and putting a face on the enemy is central to how the paper reports the war. It gives a focus to the thousands of words thundering in an unending barrage, paragraph after paragraph. The faces say: “See! See! This is what we’re talking about!”

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Chapter Ten

The war against Julian Disney

It all started so nicely for Julian Disney, the seriously spoken, studious-looking former law professor, when he was appointed chair of the Australian Press Council in late 2009.

“Professor Disney,” noted News Corp in its formal submission to the federal government’s Finkelstein Inquiry into media regulation in 2011, “has brought a fresh set of eyes and really focused on what the council has needed to do in its priorities … in him our industry has the calibre of its leadership that was sorely lacking.”

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Chapter Eleven

'Black is white, up is down … it is nutso': how it feels to be a Holy War casualty

“When it first started to happen to me I was in dread of what was said on Insiders, on The Drum,” said one victim of an Australian Holy War. “I could spend half a weekend in agony over the latest piece on Saturday in The Australian. I don’t read a lot of it now. After a while I just took it as a daily battering.”

Roz Ward says she suffered real physical effects from the stress of the campaign against her. “One of the things that you don’t expect is the persistence of it, the longevity,” she said. As reported in Crikey, in a single month — from February 10 until March 11 — this year The Australian published 27 articles about the Safe Schools program: 18 news articles, three opinion pieces, two editorials and three editions of Cut and Paste. And it quoted more than twice the number of people attacking the program as defending it, led by conservative education academic Kevin Donnelly and senators Cory Bernardi and George Christensen.

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Chapter Twelve

The war against the female Muslim agitator Yassmin Abdel-Magied

Yassmin Abdel-Magied describes herself as the “most publicly-hated Muslim in Australia” — thanks in no small part to a Holy War conducted against her by The Australian.

For someone who is a casual ABC presenter, engineer, writer, and activist, the paper’s coverage of her every move has been frenetic.

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Chapter Thirteen

How The Australian echo chamber influences politics

With its small, elderly, highly conservative readership, The Australian lacks direct influence on the electorate. This is all the more so as staff cuts at the loss-making broadsheet, and a greater focus on campaigning journalism, have resulted in less investigative reporting and news-breaking (there remain plenty of “exclusive” drops, but few actual scoops).

That doesn’t mean the paper lacks clout. It still retains the ability to influence other outlets, especially in the morning news cycle, particularly at ABC Radio, with its wide regional reach, where many producers take their cue from what has appeared in the national broadsheet that morning in determining what issues to discuss. It may not have a large readership, but most journalists, editors and producers read it, ensuring its campaigns are noticed and, often, echo around the country.

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99 thoughts on “Holy Wars – How The Australian targets and attacks its enemies

  1. An outstanding Australian . . . . from whom so many took heart. Thank you.

    1. Agree 100%, Triggs was a huge ray of sunshine in these dark LNP/IPA times. The sooner Murdoch dies the better.

  2. It seems that there is always a clone chosen by Rupert Murdoch on each of three continents where his personal and political goals are pursued and obtained while he impersonates “he who must not be named” pretending to be an innocent hands off owner.
    Voldemort should be called out like GetUp did, but politicians are very afraid of the Malignant Ogre.
    Now its GetUp’s turn on the political character assassination machine.

    1. One thing about all this – Rupert doesn’t need Viagra to do what he’s doing to journalism.

  3. Anyone interested in seeing the merciless harassment of Bill Leak by the HRC, and in particular Gillian Triggs, should just type in to their search engine “Dinnison vs Leak – Human Rights Commission” and its is all there laid out in chronological order.

    1. Its what is all there Phil?

  4. That holy war was an incredibly partisan abuse of power against someone who embarrassed the side of politics they pimp.
    A complete abandonment of objectivity, when Limited News really plumbed the gutter.

  5. Interesting articles. There are so many other people you could have included in this series, but no doubt you wouldn’t have the time or space to list everyone who’s been persecuted by The Oz. I specifically remember those front-page bullying stories about Tony Windsor when he was up against Barnaby at the last election.

  6. the good thing about the australian newspaper today is only the converted read it, the intelligent 25%/ 35% swinging voters dont/or just ignore it, thats why it has no circulation and thats why its influence is practically non existent, murdoch will soon fall of the perch and once he`s joined old nick, shareholders will probably force an editorial change to try and rescue it,

  7. Not being a subscriber to The Australian – I did notice during this plebiscite, that the online paywall did not apply to any article that promoted a ‘No’ vote. Just that topic only.

    1. Even for free, they would not have got many hits…Abbott, Bernardi, Christensen, Donnelly….what a horrid bunch of ugly wankers to lead the charge against Safe Schools with thundering support from the Murdoch rags..!!

  8. rupert murdoch is a blight on the world, a selfish greedy man that will leave the world a better place when nature takes its course and he departs it , if there is a final judgement, and I sincerely hope there is, then nothing will save save his soul.

    1. Sadly there won’t be any godly judgment – only history will judge his evil works, his body and soul will be consumed by worms just like everyone else’s.

  9. The good news is I’m pretty sure his kids hold a softer view. As evidenced by their involvement in getting rid of the sexual harassers in Fox News in the states. The irony is Rupert is actually a very nice man one on one. I’ve met him a number of times. No one is more disappointed / shocked by what the Australian has become. I have a funny feeling it won’t be like this for much longer. It’s like a snake that has had its head cut off. It’s still wriggling… it just doesn’t realise it’s dead yet.

    1. > The irony is Rupert is actually a very nice man one on one.

      .mmm – well, unlike your good self, sir, I have not met the man but in the course of
      reading a number of biographies and autobiographies of people who have had business and social dealings with Mr R. Murdoch the general theme is that he is “all smiles” when he is getting his own way but turns very ugly in a matter of seconds when the events are otherwise.

      Allowing for differing assessments of an individual by different people it is, nevertheless, worth noting that Murdoch seems to have a habit (as reported by others) of bolting from a restaurant at the end of a meal leaving the remaining party to pick up the tab. Then, of course, to consider one example of probity, there is the history of the cell phone-bugging event in the UK some years ago.

      > No one is more disappointed / shocked by what the Australian has become.

      On behalf of a good many people, should the opportunity present itself, perhaps you might enquire if this sentiment extends to his “gutting” of Fleet St. 30 odd years ago. Moreover, it is entirely the case that Murdoch does not give direction to his editors but, on the other hand, Murdoch doesn’t need to because his editors (e.g. Mr Mitchell) are only too clear as to how the game is to be played in order to be appointed to a senior position in the first place.

      > I have a funny feeling it won’t be like this for much longer.

      time will tell, sir, but a fair percentage of the contributors to this topic do not share your optimism. There has been a steady (pro Hillary – pro Wall St etc. no other view is significant) theme for some number of years which conflicts with the theme of the paper, say, circa 1985.

  10. Paul Barry should be proud to be an enemy of the Murdoch monolith.
    In his shoes I’d wear the attacks as a badge of honour, to be marked indelibly on my CV.

    Those self-satisfied souls (specifically politicians) who bask in The Oz’s approval should be wary – Murdoch enjoys nothing so much as revoking favour.

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